The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was considered arguably the most influential occupants of that office in US history. Whereas numerous second-in-commands were limited to peripheral or symbolic roles, Cheney exercised enormous influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently called as the "real president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and said the dynamic was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was courteous, consistently calling him in public as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their partnership as a partnership because it suggested that they were equals. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a faction of neo-conservatives that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the destruction of any unresponsive aircraft heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the attacks altered his perspective, leading him to become focused on retribution. In conjunction with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Controversial Policies
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of individuals apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on faulty intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It represented the correct action to do at that time. I had faith then and I believe it presently."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I observed, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and unaccountability: in the worst case, lying, unfitness, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had composed a memorandum detailing circumstances in which US concerns might be threatened (including "availability of crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be positioned to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be arranged," explicitly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the White House vaguely intent on executing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Following he had been fired by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of reducing America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a plot to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his parent's visage that all visitors had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken advocating striking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were both weak or entirely inaccurate. He supported what the Bush White House politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the use of simulated drowning and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that found that no useful information had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and put in place initiatives to apprehend the bastards who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in labels imposed on him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the corner that operates invisibly emerge from his hole? This represents a nice way to operate, actually."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his commercial relationships followed him through his period as second-in-command. While he had limited background in commerce but established relationships in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy companies, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US contracts worth billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the firm grew from his $258,394 when he was military head to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package worth in excess of $20m|twenty
